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Balancing the tenuous fate of the Korean Peninsula in an age of emerging multipolarity must be stressful, no?
As the Trump administration currently mulls over sending the National Guard to Chicago, former South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol plays hooky to his insurrection trial for the sixth time, and Supreme Leader of North Korea Kim Jong-un calls for his nation to “rapidly expand” its nuclear weapons capacity, wouldn’t it be beneficial to step back and take a break from all the hullabaloo?
Perhaps a visit to the beach is in order. After all, who doesn’t enjoy the feeling of digging your feet into the sand, hearing the tranquil crashing of waves and cracking open a few crisp Taedonggang Lagers to beat the brutal sun? All of this and more is available at the stunning resorts of the Wonsan Kalma Tourist Zone.
Following the first meeting between Donald Trump and the newly elected South Korean President Lee Jae Myung, it may be the perfect location to host the next Trump–Kim Summit.
What is the Wonsan Kalma tourist zone?
Nestled along the coast of Kangwon Province in the northeast of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), the Wonsan Kalma Tourist Zone welcomed its first batch of foreign visitors to the beach resort city only a month before Lee Jae Myung and Trump’s first meeting in August. The visitors, all of them Russian citizens, recounted the vacation as “immaculate … [yet] without people,” as the costs of a week’s stay at the luxury hotels far exceed the monthly income of the average North Korean.
While the nature of such bourgeois accommodations is antithetical to the communist ideology that guides the DPRK, the significant investment in this area, which caters to non-Koreans, coupled with Kim Jong-un’s recent visit to China, signals an intention to shed isolationism in favor of limited engagement with like-minded allies. As both nations’ military cooperation grows stronger by the day, furthering civilian interaction (and mainly the exchange of foreign currency) aligns with Russia’s descent into a piratical status and North Korea’s ascent to greater global importance.
Indeed, while serving an influx of wealthy Europeans to enjoy the fruits of Korean labor, which they themselves cannot afford, would have Kim Il-sung rolling in his grave, it is certainly not unprecedented for communist nations to make exceptions to the “characteristics” of their guiding socialist principles for the sake of economic advancement.
Could Wonsan become a Special Economic Zone?
It is difficult not to see the parallels between this drive to attract foreign investment and generate cash flow and the early stages of Deng Xiaoping’s opening of the Shenzhen “Special Economic Zone” in 1980.
Looking past their innate similarities as bordering nations with similar cultural and governmental principles, the opening of both Shenzhen and Wonsan:
— Constrained foreign presence and investment to a small portion of the country, closely monitoring the exposure of the Chinese/North Korean populace to outside influences/values.
— Signaled a willingness to compromise on certain Marxist principles for the sake of economic benefit.
— Kept the price of living in the area unattainable for the average citizen, making sure that the only interactions foreigners could have with Chinese/North Koreans were with elite and trusted party members.
— Were aspirational rebrands of regimes once thought to be oppressive and uncompromising backwaters with a military rigidity, transforming them into a more civilian-friendly presence.
While such parallels may exist, how can the United States and South Korea capitalize on a new era of economic diplomacy in the DPRK if the new Wonsan Kalma Tourist Zone is not yet open to Chinese tourists? Further, Kim Jong-un has declared South Korea a principal enemy of his regime and destroyed the Arch of Reunification, abandoning the guiding policy of his father and grandfather’s administrations.
Despite the less-than-ideal circumstances, future engagements with North Korea were the principal talking points of Lee Jae Myung and Trump’s first meeting in the White House. Both countries are ready, but how should they approach the now international Hermit Kingdom?
Blueprints for a future Trump–Kim–Lee meeting
The great debate between experts (both American and Korean) who specialize in the complex relationship between the DPRK and South Korea often suggests that the United States should either commit to engagement or containment when dealing with the Hermit Kingdom. Academic integrity may demand that both schools of thought be equally explained along with their pros and cons, but in the age of North Korean soldiers fighting on European soil at the behest of the Russian government, containing the DPRK’s international ambitions is an extinct concept.
Suppose the United States wants to play a role in stabilizing the Korean Peninsula. In that case, it must actively engage with North Korea without abandoning long-standing goals such as denuclearization for the sake of appeasement. Instead, the Trump and Lee administrations should approach Kim with modern ideas of economic cooperation, such as:
— Visiting the Wonsan Kalma Tourist Zone as the area’s infrastructure and reputation are built up. Conducting such a meeting outside of Pyongyang would be a cornerstone of Kim Jong-un’s legacy, something he may want to cement now rather than later as his daughter, Kim Ju-ae, is training to succeed him.
— Establishing a trade of limited, non-military advanced technology from the United States and South Korea to North Korea. Serving not only as a tool of diplomacy, but also in reducing Pyongyang’s overreliance on Beijing.
— Arranging for American and South Korean scientists to conduct scientific visits to nuclear sites, such as Yeongbyeon and vice versa. Facilitating interaction outside of politics would only strengthen familiarity and underline that the US is not an imperialist power looking down at the DPRK, but eye-to-eye and ready for change.
When the United States and South Korea treat the DPRK as a one-dimensional, evil adversary hell-bent on the nuclear demolition of the West, that’s all it will ever be. However, suppose the Trump and Lee administrations are willing to view North Korea’s government not as a dictatorship to be eradicated, but as a system capable of liberalization and reform. In that case, slow progress may gain traction.
Suppose the DPRK wants to open itself up to an international audience, albeit a limited one. In that case, its population will be exposed to a greater amount of foreign ideas and beliefs, which will slowly but certainly drive change.
After a decade or two, perhaps Lee Jae Myung’s joke about a Trump Tower being constructed in Pyongyang may seem less like fiction and more like a prediction.
[Elliott Frey edited this piece.]
The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Fair Observer’s editorial policy.
